I’ve never before been excited about a Sabbath, and heading
into it, I’m not sure I was excited at the time. But in retrospect, not only was it sorely needed, the two
Shabbats we experienced in Israel lent a calm to the trip.
Before splitting into small groups for a Shabbat dinner with
Isreali hosts, we joined Friday night services at a reform congregation that
became popular in Jerusalem only after an Ultraorthodox neighbor snuck into one
of their services and ran away with the Torah in hopes that the liberal reform
congregation would leave the neighborhood. Only after the publicity of the stunt did the congregation
receive enough funding to build themselves a proper synagogue. Thus begun my learning about religion
in Israel. Where we have
‘spiritual but not religious’, Israel has ‘Jewish but not religious’ – in that
‘religious’ denotes the ultraorthodox, and everyone else tends to self-identify
as secular, even if they attend Shabbat regularly. The State echoes this division, funding both the synagogues
of the ultraorthodox and providing stipends and housing allowances (and
military deferral) for ultraorthodox men who want to study Torah, but providing
no financial assistance whatsoever for Reform or Conservative Jewish
denominations. There is a high
respect in Israel for the devotion of the ultraorthodox, and in fact the two
Chief Rabbis appointed by the Knesset have, up until now, been ultraorthodox.
In our Shabbat service we were provided with prayer books
that held the English translations of the Hebrew prayers (which are mostly
sung) and if you listened carefully, you could follow along. The Rabbi did occasionally insert a few
English statements to keep his American guests (Chicago’s Catholic Theological
Union was also in attendance) up to speed. The message of the service was to shake off the remnants and
pollutants from the week before and prepare ourselves for the presence of the
divine. During Shabbat, which is
sundown on Friday to sundown on Saturday, Jews are to have a day of rest marked
by the scripture, ‘do not create’.
The interpretation of ‘create’ leads most not to cook, work, ignite (as
in your car), or turn on electrical devices. This does require that food be prepared ahead of time, and
it was interesting to see how the hotel dealt with Shabbat restrictions in
feeding their guests. (On Shabbat,
there was instant coffee rather than brewed, because the water could be kept
hot all night, while coffee could not.
You can turn things off on Shabbat, but not on.) So Shabbat becomes quality time with
family. People walk, bike, play
card games, study torah, sing, and generally spend time together. The city of Jerusalem comes to a
standstill – no buses, cars, trams, and scarce pedestrians because all the
shops are closed.
The Supreme Court Building |
Knesset building from under the pine trees |
We stopped near the Montefiore Windmill, the first and only windmill in Jerusalem, built in 1857 as a sign to the Jerusalem people that progress and civilization can live outside the walls of the Old City. Yeni takes this opportunity to show us the panorama of Jerusalem – from the Old City on the left to the Security Wall and proposed E1 Zone on the right – and I take the opportunity to pick his brain about the occupation. (E1 is a territory proposed by the Rabin administration (1995) and pursued by the Netanyahu administration that would unite Jewish settlements in the West Bank, and be surrounded by the same security fence. This would heavily complicate Palestinian transportation between Bethlehem and Ramallah, two Palestinian towns north and south of Jerusalem, by making them travel around the outside of the wall enclosing the Jewish settlements. More importantly, if Israel annexes the E1 zone, it effectively separates East Jerusalem, the Palestinian capital, from the Palestinian cities in north and south West Bank, effectively ending the potential for a Palestinian state. As of November 30th, 2012, Israel approved building in the E1 zone, supposedly as retribution for Palestine’s successful move to be recognized by the EU as a non-voting member.)
The security wall in top right corner at tip of trees |
Yeni professed to be a lefty leftist, and is against
E1. He wants better human rights
for Palestinians, but he admitted to being scarred and jaded by the ugly side
of the conflict. Trained as a
medic in the army, he was near a pizza restaurant when a bomb exploded inside
during the second intifada.
Wanting to offer help, he rushed straight into the grisly sight of
children’s torn limbs across the restaurant. Later that night, he saw the mother of the suicide bomber on
television, handing out candy. Of
this, he told me that Palestinians and the Jews are people with different
values. He wants them to have
their state, and for Israel to be less aggressive, but he expressed cynicism
that the two peoples could ever share a common culture or citizenship. He questioned the motives of the
Palestinian people as well – citing how, within 5 years of establishing Israel,
Jews had set up universities and hospitals. In Gaza, where Israel withdrew in 2005 and foreign aid is
plentiful, Palestinians have focused on obtaining rocket-propelled grenades in
order to take revenge (referring to the recent conflict in 2012). It became clear how much violence takes
a toll on visions for peace.
…
Reflection: Hope (or lack of it)
Our guide, Yeni |
And yet, from
Nusseibeh’s book, I remember the account of the would-be suicide bombers’
motivations for their crime; how a single mother with 5 children attempted
jihad because she was so humiliated by Israeli soldiers who forced to strip and
dance in front of Palestinian men at a checkpoint. This public humiliation was enough for this woman to give up
life – give up motherhood! And it
reminded me of a question Nilsa had asked; just what is a (wo)man’s breaking
point? How much can you push
someone before they break, or become violent? How far do you push someone before they give up on hope, and
close the door to peace?
With each generation comes a new opportunity for social
change. I think about our issues
at home; for some of my fellow organizers in Chicago, the social issues that
are most in our sights are too easy.
They call the gay rights issue ‘won’, the fight for immigration reform
‘over’. Why? Because the upcoming generation has
already acclimated to the victory. The majority of people in their 20’s know
someone gay or lesbian, or have accepted the friendly stereotype so available
in our entertainment, and so when this voting bloc becomes more engaged, the
policy path is paved for victory.
(This is not to say the marginalization, bias, and discrimination is
negligible. Just that policy will
change.) Similarly, once a young
person realizes they have been sitting in class next to an undocumented
immigrant for the last 3 years in school, they rarely see the benefits of
excluding that person from the American system. The ‘illegal alien’ is also a friend, a classmate, or a team
member on their basketball team. The dehumanization of labels becomes more and
more difficult – especially in our social media age.
With each generation comes new opportunity for social
change, but only if barriers are crossed, relationships are made, and walls are
torn down. Only if suicide bombings
stop; only if Israeli abuse is curbed. Nusseibeh’s most salient point, in my
opinion, was his statement of the wall as a barrier to relationship, not a
barrier to terrorism. I am heartened that there exists the opportunity for Jews
to enter their children into joint Jewish-Arab schools. But listening to Ben David’s pride at
teaching his children not to ‘hate Arabs’, but also hearing that the sentiment
is often heard in Israeli circles, it feels like ‘peace’ is getting further out
of reach.
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